Rally in support of the Ohio Prevention First Act, photo courtesy of Flickr (cc) user ProgressOhio.

While overall access to contraception and other reproductive health services have increased over the last 20 years, access for low-income women and women of color has dropped.

Since the 2010 elections, anti-abortionists have grown more emboldened in their attempts to restrict not only abortion services, but also to basic reproductive care.

African-American women have been especially targeted in a series of anti-abortion billboards posted across the country. Enraged by this finger-pointing, reproductive justice activist of all colors got together to fight for every woman’s right to health care. On this edition, the fight for access to reproductive health care.

This program was funded in part by the Mary Wohlford Foundation.

Featuring:

Dorothy Roberts, Northwestern University law professor; Loretta Ross, founder and national coordinator of SisterSong; Susan Cohen, director of Government Affairs at Guttmacher Institute; Nicole Gross, single mom; Chloe Heintz, rape survivor; Nicole Safar, public policy director of Planned Parenthood Advocates of Wisconsin; Heidi Williamson, national advocacy policy coordinator for SisterSong; Walter B. Hoye II, founder and president of Issues 4 Life.

Special thanks to Alicia Walters and production intern Lisa Bartfai.

For More Information:
Trust Black Women
SisterSong
Guttmacher Institute
Dorothy Roberts
Planned Parenthood
Asian Communities for Reproductive Justice
California Latina Reproductive Justice
National Latina Institute for Reproductive Health
Black Women for Wellness
The Radiance Foundation
Issues 4 Life

Articles/Blogs/Videos/Audio:
Don’t Cut Planned Parenthood’s Funding!
Are Black Children and ‘Endangered Species’?
Debate Boils Over African-American Abortion
Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker’s Abortion Crusade
Maafa 21
Defending Reproductive Justice

Music:

“Uti vår hage”  by Magnus Martensson
“End Titles” by Atrium Carceri
“Gypsy” by Kelli Rudick
“Saturn Strobe” by Pantha Du Prince
“Freedom Fight” by Shuggie Otis

Students listen to Angela Davis at an anti injunctions rally. Photo by Eric K Arnold.

The city of Oakland is divided over whether gang injunctions will help reduce a long-standing problem of street violence.  Here we report on a grassroots campaign, aiming to stop what many activists say is a problematic policy of racial profiling, that won’t help make the community any safer. Listen to the full segment and watch the three minute video below.

This program is reader supported, thanks to spot.us and is part of our investigation into how and whether gang injunctions effectively fight crime.

Cornel West and Carl Dix in dialog (event poster)

With the world in transition, and the future so unclear, what kind of promises can we make to our children? What can we do to ensure a just world for them? And what are the youth doing now to make it happen for themselves?

On this edition, we hear a dialogue between Princeton University professor Cornel West, and Revolutionary Communist Party USA spokesman Carl Dix about the future of America’s youth in the age of Obama.

Featuring:

Cornel West, professor at the Center for African American Studies and Department of Religion at Princeton University; Carl Dix, co-founder of the Revolutionary Communist Party, USA.

Special thanks to Alton Byrd and Revolution Books.

***WEB EXCLUSIVES***

Full speeches by Carl Dix and Cornel West, which took place at the University of California, Berkeley on Dec. 2, 2011

Dialogue between Cornel West and Carl Dix

Question and Answer session with Cornel West and Carl Dix

For More Information:

Cornel West
Carl Dix
Revolutionary Communist Party, USA
Revolution Books
Occupy Wall Street
Stop and Frisk policy
Sentencing Project
Critical Resistance

Books/Articles:

“The New Jim Crow, Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness” by Michelle Alexander

Music:

“Someday We’ll All be Free” by Donny Hathaway

“Sinnerman” by Felix da Housecat ft. Nina Simone

Portrait via Flickr (cc) user Good_1

Since the days of slavery, the African-American woman has been subjected to stereotypes: the mammy, the angry black female and the hyper-sexual woman . These stereotypes continue to this day and permeate thru pop culture.

On this edition, author and political science professor Melissa Harris-Perry speaks about the stereotypes black women face, its impacts on their identity and how it has limited the ways in which society views them as true “citizens.”

Featuring:

Melissa Harris-Perry, professor of political science at Tulane University, where she is founding director of the Anna Julia Cooper Project on Gender, Race, and Politics in the South. She is also the author of  Sister Citizen: Shame, Stereotypes, and Black Women in America. She is a columnist for The Nation magazine and a contributor to MSNBC, and other media outlets. This discussion was moderated by Blanche Richardson, heads the 40-year-old Marcus Book Stores in San Francisco and Oakland, California and editor, author and anthologist.

Special Thanks to KPFA for the audio.

***WEB EXCLUSIVES***

Blackface Montage from Spike Lee’s Bamboozled

Melissa Harris-Lacewell Keynote at Facing Race 2010

For More Information:

Marcus Books
Melissa Harris-Perry
Melissa Harris- Perry’s Columns in The Nation
Black Face, a history
The National Council of Negro Women (NCNW)
National Association of Colored Women (NACW)

Books/Articles:

Embracing Sisterhood: Class, Identity, and Contemporary Black Women by Katrina Bell McDonald 
Sister Citizen: Shame, Stereotypes, and Black Women in America, by Melissa Harris-Perry
R.N. Bradley’s Book Review of Citizen Abstained?: Sister Citizen by Melissa Harris-Perry
Killing the Black Body: Race, Reproduction, and the Meaning of Liberty by Dorothy Roberts
‘She’s Ghetto’: Stereotypes Black Women Internalize by Bene Viera
“How Spike Lee’s ‘Bamboozled’ challenges Hollywood’s portrayal of black people on screen” by Megan Fox

Students listen to Angela Davis during a rally against gang Injunctions. Photo by Eric K Arnold courtesy of (cc) Flickr user OaklandLocal.

It’s called a gang injunction.  A controversial crime tool strategy that some people say should be illegal, and others say is a necessary last resort for communities plagued by violence.

On this edition, we go from the birthplace of gang injunctions in Los Angeles, to their newest use in London, England.  Almost 30 years later, communities remain divided about the best way to address youth violence and crime.

This program was crowd-funded on spot.us, a community supported journalism project. 89 individuals contributed micro-donations. At the over $10 level we thank: Annuana Smith, Amy Read, Lyn Headley, Patricia-Anne WinterSun, Maralyn Fisher, Sally Sommer, Renee Feltz, Molly Mitoma, Lauren Cohn, and Panafricanist Sound System. Special thanks to Omnia Foundation, stalwart supporters of our Prison Desk.

Featuring:

Angela Davis, Critical resistance founder; Freddie Hamilton, Oakland police lieutenant; Michael Muscadine, man named in Fruitvale Gang Injunction; Scott Peterson, Oakland Metropolitan Chamber of Commerce public policy director; Danielle Rocha, Youth Empowerment School senior; K.E.V., Oakland-based MC; Sagnicthe Salazar, Youth Together organizer; Cesar Cruz, Homies Empowerment program co-founder; Kim McGill, Youth Justice Coalition organizer; Rocio Fierro, attorney for the City of Oakland; Kwame Nitoto, Oakland Parents Together parent education project director; Meriea Jones, Cory Jenkins, Destiny McNeil, Mohammad El-Zafri, Santa Fe Elementary School students; Jonathan Toy, Southwark Council head of community safety; Emeka Egbuonu, youth worker at The Crib; Michael Bailey, young person at The Crib; Russell Higgs, Pembury Estate resident.

*** Segments ***

Gang Injunctions in London 

As part of our investigation into how and whether gang injunctions effectively fight crime, we looked to one of the newest places where the crime fighting strategy is being rolled out: London, England Making Contact reporter Daniel Gordon filed this report from London, where the first gang injunctions went into effect earlier this year. The story explores how economics and race are major factors in how society treats crime in England, just as in the US. And just as in Oakland, CA, many advocates and young people themselves say there are better solutions to be found.

This program is reader supported, thanks to spot.us

The History of Gang Injunction in Los Angeles

Interview with The Youth Justice Coalition’s Kim McGill, about the history of gang injunctions in Los Angeles, and the effect they’ve had on low income neighborhoods and communities of color.

The Battle over Gang Injunctions in Oakland

The city of Oakland is divided over whether gang injunctions will help reduce a long-standing problem of street violence.  Making Contact’s Andrew Stelzer reports on a grassroots campaign, aiming to stop what many activists say is a problematic policy of racial profiling, that won’t help make the community any safer.

For More Information:

Youth Justice Coalition
Critical Resistance
Stop the Injunctions Coalition
Homies Empowerment Program-Oakland, CA
All of Us or None
Youth Together
Homies Unidos
Oakland Metropolitan Chamber of Commerce
Southwark Council
Spot.us crowd-funded journalism

Articles, Blogs, Reports and Videos:

Map of North Oakland gang Injunction
LAPD map of Gang Injunctions
North Side Oakland injunction report November 2011

Music:

“Colors” by Ice-T

If you’ve ever stepped into a nail salon, you know the smell of a chemical cocktail that hits you like an invisible wall. While consumers may tolerate it during a short visit, the nail salon workers find themselves stewing in a toxic bubble for years. On this edition, we take a look at the health impacts of chemical exposure, the shoddy regulation of cosmetics, and the movement towards greener nail salons.

Featuring:

Alisha Nga Tran, Patient Leadership Council facilitator, Asian Health Services; Dr. Thu Quach, epidemiologist, Cancer Prevention Institute of California; My Tong, associate, California Healthy Nail Salon Collaborative; Lam Le, former nail salon worker and cancer survivor; Phaedra Ellis-Lamkins , CEO, Green For All; Jamie Silberberger, director of programs and policy at Women’s Voices for the Earth; Uyen Nguyen, owner, Isabella Nail Salon; Sarah Vuong , employee at Isabella Nail Salon; Jill Adams , client, Isabella Nail Salon; David Chiu,  president of the San Francisco Board of Supervisors.

Thanks to all of our supporters, to As You Sow‘s Environmental Enforcement Fund and to Spot.us for helping to crowd fund this story.

*** WEB EXCLUSIVES ***

Asian Health Services Educates Patient Leaders from pauline bartolone on Vimeo.

Nail Salon Workers Speak Up About Chemical Exposure

The amount of nail salons has nearly quadrupled nationwide in the past decade. In California, about two-thirds of nail salon workers are Vietnamese immigrants. In this next segment, Making Contact Producer Pauline Bartolone explores the health impact of chemical exposure on nail salon workers, and what groups are doing to protect them.

Nail Salon Businesses Go Green in Bay Area

Nail salon workers and advocates are pushing hard to change public policy around exposure to toxic chemicals.  But there’s also a movement coming from businesses themselves to make the salons greener and safer for workers and consumers. Correspondent Momo Chang has more.

For More Information:

Asian Health Services, Oakland, CA
California Healthy Nail Salon Collaborative, Oakland, CA
National Asian Pacific American Women’s Forum, Washington, D.C.
National Healthy Nail Salon Alliance, Washington, D.C.
Women’s Voices for the Earth, Missoula, MT

Music:

“P.S.” by Chromakey
“Warm Sound” by Zero 7

Oakland General Strike via Flickr (cc) user ireneflorez

Since the first US encampment on Wall Street, hundreds of others have emerged outside of banks and city halls across the nation. The Occupy movement has called on millions of Americans to take to the streets and call for change, but what exactly is this movement about?

This round-table discussion featuring Maria Poblet, executive director of Just Cause/Justa Causa; Steve Williams, co-executive director/co-founder of POWER; and Needa B, participant of Occupy Oakland, takes a closer look at Occupy from the perspectives of community organizing. It explores the meaning and tactics of the movement, and asks whether Occupy is the seed to long-term systemic change.

The program starts with an excerpt from a speech by Robert Reich.
See below for the full script. 

Featuring:

Maria Poblet, executive director of Just Cause/Justa Causa; Steve Williams, co-executive director/co-founder of POWER; Needa B., participant of Occupy Oakland and member of People of Color Committee; Lisa Gray-Garcia, co-editor of Poor Magazine and author of Criminal of Poverty: Growing up Homeless in America. Robert Reich, Public Policy Professor at University of California Berkeley, and former Labor Secretary.

For More Information:

POWER
Just Cause/Causa Justa
Occupy Oakland
POOR Magazine
Oakland Local
Occupy Wall Street

Articles, Blogs, Reports and Videos:

Race and Occupy Wall Street
Occupying, Organizing and Movements that Demand Both by Rinku Sen
Stir It Up
Why OWS Should Matter to POC
There Is Diversity at Occupy Wall Street
Queers and Occupy
Applying the Successful Strategy of the Civil Rights Movement to a National “We are the 99%” Movement
10 Ways the Occupy Movement Changes Everything (new book from YES!)
NY Times Occupy Wall Street Slideshow
Occupy is Here to Stay
America Is Not Broke, Foreign Policy in Focus / Institute for Policy Studies
WBAI programs from Occupy Wall Street
KBOO programs from Occupy Portland
video: Why Occupy Wall Street? 4 Reasons

Organzing Upgrade -Occupy Strategy Lab
Women’s Magazine KPFA on Occupy and Patriarchy
Feminists Occupy Occupy

And, listen to more of our Occupy shows

Music:

“We Are the Many” by Makana

FULL SCRIPT

Meaghan LaSala: This week on Making Contact:

BILLBOARD:  (Steve Williams) We’re really building on a level of organizing, a level of mobilization that puts us in a position to begin transforming what it is that we’ve previously thought of as a liberation movement in this country.

Meaghan LaSala: “We are the 99 percent” has become a rallying cry for people occupying their cities and towns across the United States… people uniting to change a system based on greed and exploitation. Many are now asking how to move towards a common vision that addresses the needs of everyone within the 99%. But especially of those who are who are hit hardest by the current economic system.

BILLBOARD (Maria Poblet) What if the 99% in the US called for no war, build the economy for people and the planet. What if we did that?

Meaghan LaSala: On this edition, we’ll look at what it’ll take to transform this movement moment to long term solidarity for systemic change.

I’m Meaghan LaSala, and this is Making Contact. A program connecting people, vital ideas and important information.

OCCUPY OAKLAND SOUND COLLAGE: (Music)

Voice 1: It’s woken up so many people. I mean, look at this crowd! Ages, races, colors, genders, you know, people are waking up together so I’m hopeful that we’re going to make a change. I know we are making it already.

Voice 2: You know, until about a week ago I also supported the occupy movement, but its just grown to be a bit unruly and at this point I don’t really understand what its standing for.

Voice 3: The first step to change is an awakening of awareness to the connections between problems and what the real problems are.

Voice 4: I think it’s in the beginning stages just like the civil rights was and its ok that we might not know the direction because I’m sure Martin Luther King and neither did Malcolm X or anybody else know within the first two months of the great civil rights movement know where they were going.

____

Meaghan LaSala: We’ll hear a round table discussion about the future of the occupy movement. But first, we bring you excerpts of an address given by former Secretary of Labor and professor of public policy, Robert Reich. On November 16th, the day of the UC Berkeley general strike, he spoke to a crowd of thousands on campus, just after an Occupy Cal encampment was forcibly removed.

Professor Robert Reich: Now the first amendments, right to speech, that is not always convenient, it is not always inexpensive, it is sometimes messy. And because it’s sometimes inconvenient and sometimes expensive and sometimes messy, just like democracy, there is a temptation sometimes to want to contain it, to limit it. But it is more important than it has ever been, that we all go out of our way, every one of us, leaders, politicians, those of us who have authority, and those of us that do not have authority, it becomes doubly important that we honor the first amendment and make ourselves willing to pay the price of freedom of speech and indirectly, and because freedom of speech is so related to democracy directly, the price of a democratic system of government. (Applause) Some of you are concerned also about the increasing concentration of wealth and income in our society. An increasing concentration that has meant that the top 400, the 400 richest Americans now own more of America than the bottom 150 million Americans. (Boos) Let me try to connect some of these dots.

Fundamentally, the problem with concentrated income and wealth, and fundamentally the problem with an educational system that is no longer available to some many young people and can, and even a K-12 system that is letting so many people down. The fundamental problem is that we are losing equal opportunity in America; we are losing the moral foundation stone on which this country and our democracy are built. (Applause) Now there are some people out there that say, “We cannot afford education any longer. We cannot afford as a nation to provide social services to the poor.” We cannot, some people say, any longer afford as a nation to provide the safety nets for the poor and the infirm or for people who fall down for no fault of their own. Well how can that be true if we are now richer than we have ever been before? How can that be true that we cannot afford what we need to do for our people when we are the richest nation, and continue to be, the richest nation in the world? And again let me connect the dots, because over the last three decades, this economy has doubled in size, but most Americans have not seen much gain, if you adjust for inflation, what you see is the median wage has barely risen. Where did all the money and resources go? They went to the top. And look it, let’s be clear about this, we are not vilifying people because they are rich. The problem here is that when so much income and wealth go to the top, political power also goes to the top. The problem has to do with what that does to our democracy—it undermines our democracy. When all that money can come down from the wealthy, the corporations, when there are no limits to the amount of money that can infect and undermine our democracy, then what do we have left? What do we have left?

The occupy movement, the Occupy Cal, the Occupy Oakland—occupations are going on all over this country—are ways in which people are beginning to respond to the crisis of our democracy. Ways in which… (Applause)…and I am so proud of you here today. Your dedication to these principals, your willingness to spend hours in general assemblies, your willingness to put up with what you’ve already put up with, is already making a huge difference. (Cheers) You’re already succeeding. Some of you may feel a little bit like, “What are we doing here? What exactly is our goal?” I urge you I urge you to be patient with yourselves. Because with regard to every major social movement of the last half century or more, it started with a sense of moral outrage. Things were wrong. And the actual coalescence of that moral outrage into specific demands for specific changes came later. The moral outrage was the beginning. The sense of things going wrong. (Cheers) The days of apathy are over folks! (Cheers) Once this has begun, it cannot be stopped and will not be stopped.

____

Meaghan LaSala: That was the voice of Robert Reich, speaking on the day of UC Berkeley’s general strike at an event to memorialize Mario Savio, a free speech movement organizer and UC Berkeley student of the 1960’s. Up next, a round table with three guests from the San Francisco bay area discussing how the movement of the 99% can move forward, toward long term solidarity.

Meaghan LaSala: Neeta Bee is one of the original participants at Occupy Oakland, and is a member of the People of Color Committee. Maria Poblet is the Executive Director of Causa Justa, Just Cause, a housing rights organization that’s working with the occupy movement to fight foreclosures. And Steve Williams is the co-founder and co-director of POWER also known as people organized to win employment rights.  Making Contact production intern Christopher Holmback moderated the discussion.

Christopher Holmback: I’d like to begin by asking you, Maria, what went through your head the first time you heard about OWS.

Maria Poblet: Well my very first thought was, “Yes! Yes. Finally the people of the US have taken issue with the corporations of the US that have done so much harm to our communities inside the US and also in other countries. I remember thinking, maybe not everybody is asleep. Maybe people have noticed what’s been happening over the last 10 yrs, 20 yrs, 30 yrs, maybe now the US people’s movements will actually show their face and show their allegiances, and their allegiances will their corps, but instead with regular everyday people. And it just seemed like such a timely critique. And the fact that it was just out in the streets where nobody could deny it, and where it was control of everyday people, it was inspiring.

Christopher Holmback: Do you have the same immediate sense of joy, Steve?

Steve Williams: Well, no. I think I was a little less optimistic and hopeful. I remember actually seeing the call that went out in Adbusters and I remember being like really? These are the people that are going to Occupy Wall Street? As somebody has spent more than a decade organizing in African American, working class and Latino communities, I know that our communities have been deeply impacted by financial institutions and by the system of capitalism. And I didn’t think that it was going to be the readers of Adbusters that were going to take the first step to begin confronting financial institutions in this country.

Christopher Holmback: And what about you Neeta?

Neeta Bee:  I first got involved because I was watching what was going on Wall Street and really was pleasantly surprised that white middle class America was standing up and kind of being disgruntled as many of And I kept my eye on it because I thought it was very powerful to be putting Wall Street on front and having the slogan of the 99 vs. the 1 percent. That whole slogan, 99 against 1. I think that was really powerful to me. And I kept my eye on it and I was really surprised to watch it spread like wildfire across the US. That got me really interested in like, wow, what’s going on. And really seeing this as an opportunity that people were linking not just on a national level but an international level. And when they did that, that was like the impetus for the entire nation to start social change. And that’s what I saw here which is why I got involved. If it was just an Oakland thing, I probably wouldn’t have gotten involved.

Christopher Holmback: …You’ve all mentioned or you’ve all been calling this movement middle class, or middle class and white so it seems like a good time to play a clip for you from a protest in the Bay Area Poor Peoples Decolonization March and Lisa Gray-Garcia, one of the organizers, had some things to say about the occupy movement.

Clip from Lisa Gray-Garcia: “We’re poor people. We’re occupied with things like budget cuts, and whether we’re going to feed our children tomorrow. I think a lot of the occupy movements are more focused on middle class folks. And that’s not a critique. It’s a beautiful thing. That isn’t where we’re coming from. I don’t actually feel part of the 99%. I think that the 99% are part of the people that oppress us. A lot of the movements are actually filled with a lot of racist and classist stereotypes and unfortunately don’t even know how to relate to folks in poverty. And there’s been a lot of racial tension. There is a lot of folks with race and class privilege who take part in the occupy movement. Again this is not to splinter or take down their movements, but to help them understand that they need to get race consciousness. They need to get consciousness about poverty. They need to recognize the connections”

Christopher Holmback: What’s your reaction to what Lisa Gray-Garcia says here?

Maria Poblet: I think a lot of us people of POC who’ve interacted with the occupy camps who’ve interacted with the camps can certainly identify with that feeling of the camps not having enough clarity about race and racism and what it does to communities. And gender inequality and poverty and issues of class. I think that critique is right on. I think the challenge before us is: can we lead from a place of unity? What is the unity that you can accomplish? A lot of people want to do something, but the idea that we should work together, choose a target, choose demands, is not an automatic thing. And so those of us who have been doing community organizing have that and can contribute that to the movement if the dynamics are such that there’s space for that.

Maria Poblet: So then there’s all these sort of political cultures intersecting. There’s the way that Unions do their work, think about their work, communicate their work. The way that community organizations like mine do it, and then this camp that has this own culture that also draws on some anti-hierarchical traditions, anti-authoritarian commitments—and then there’s everything else.

Steve Williams: …it is also important to acknowledge that in different encampments across the country, those political cultures are coming together and sort of innovating new models. In New York, and also in San Francisco, one of the things that the general assemblies have established are these action committees, where existing community organizations, trade unions, other affinity groups, are able to select a representative to come to a weekly meeting to then talk about how it is that those existing memberships can engage with the general assembly process and more broadly with the “we are the 99%” movement. I think that it is important to acknowledge that each of the particular encampments are just struggling to innovate new models that both ensure direct democracy but also connect with existing organizing efforts in the communities.

Maria Poblet: Some people have a critique of community organizing, or non profits or other forms of organization and that’s where they’re coming from and I think that’s a useful political dialogue to engage in. It’s not all about doing it the way we’ve been doing it so far because if everything we’ve been doing so far was perfect, we would have had this movement a long time ago, right? Community organizations and unions and the sort of more institutionalized progressive movement hasn’t been as nimble, or militant, or creative or committed to movement building as we’ve needed to be and we’re one of the organizations committed to changing that and that means taking risk and trying things you haven’t done before.

Christopher Holmback: So Neeta do you think that the model that Steve told about that is in New York and other places, could work in Oakland?

Neeta Bee: I think that kind of model can definitely work in Oakland… that move is definitely being made where organizations that have been in the trenches and doing the work for decades are coming together, and linking it to, to just this concept of the 99%. My thing is like, if you’re going to be talking about 99%, let’s really break that down, let’s make a pie chart and figure out what that really means. (Laughter) Who’s really the 99%? How this political and economic fiasco affects the different sectors in the 99% is very different. And I think that’s related to the class and the race analysis. When we start looking at each other’s experiences here, that broadens the potential of what we can be fighting for. So that everyone walks away from this winning.

Meaghan LaSala: We’ll be right back.

You’re listening to Making Contact, a production of the National Radio Project. If you’d like more information or for CD copies of this program please call 800-529-5736. Because of listeners like you, this show is distributed for free to radio stations in the US, Canada and South Africa. To find out how to support us, download shows or get our podcasts, go to radioproject.org.

(Music in Background)

We Are the Many by Makana

The time has come for us to voice our rage

Against the ones that trapped us in a cage

To steal from us the value of our wage

From underneath the vestiture of law

The lobbyists at Washington do nah

At liberty the bureaucrats guffaw

And until they are purged we won’t withdraw

We’ll occupy the streets

We’ll occupy the cause

We’ll occupy the offices of you till you do 

The bidding of the many not the few 

Meaghan LaSala: We now return to our round table with Maria Poblet, executive director of Causa Justa, Just Cause, Steve Williams, co-director of POWER—people organizing to win employment rights, and Neeta Bee an Occupy Oakland organizer… On building a long-term movement of the 99%. Moderated by Making Contact production intern, Christopher Holmback.

Christopher Holmback: Steve Williams, you have long experience organizing poor people and people of color. What’s your reaction to these problems?

Steve Williams: Well, I think the challenges that Anita and Maria are pointing to are exactly right. I mean, they’re at play in encampments all over the country. But it’s also a predictable challenge that the movement has to face. In a country with the history of white supremacy, colonialism, genocide, slavery, we know that we’re going to encounter some particular challenges around racial consciousness, around the leadership of women, around the role of young people. But what the “we are the 99%” movement has created is an opportunity for us to actually engage in those struggles from a progressive standpoint. And the movement is still very new, so the language is all coming together, but in my mind this movement is a movement of the 99%. The occupations are a particular tactic of that movement. So there are a lot of people participating in the movement to confront financial institutions and capitalism that aren’t sleeping out at the various parks across the country. And its critical for us to figure out ways for people to engage constructively because our organizations, organizations that are rooted in working class, communities of color has been doing the organizing around a particular strata of the 99%. It is important to acknowledge that the petty bourgeois and technocratic professionals who are now disaffected by the way that capitalism is operating– it’s important to acknowledge that those people should be mad. But we also have to then figure out the programs and solutions and demands that we are all going to fight for that doesn’t throw sections of the 99% under the bus.

Maria Poblet: On the national scale now white, working class communities who’ve been impacted by these measures of austerity and by this corporate takeover, they have a choice between the Tea Party and Occupy. And I want all of them to choose Occupy. It’s very needed in this country for people to have a choice that takes them to the left in the face of corporate domination, instead of basically everybody joining the Tea Party and moving to the right and blaming immigrants, blaming People of Color. And while these racial dynamics get handled in the camps, that’s where and how we’ll see if the movement will be able to proceed in a way that actually builds the capacity of the movement to build more unity and move towards a progressive outcome, actually. An outcome that benefits all communities.

Christopher Holmback: Since we’re leading up to the next presidential campaign, how should occupy movement engage with electoral politics? Steve.

Steve Williams: Well I think the critical thing is that the “we are the 99%” movement has to develop a vision of what our alternative is. The exciting innovation with the camps is that different groupings of people who have been disaffected and disenfranchised by this economic system have had a space to come together. So folks who have had their homes foreclosed upon, folks who are in debt and can’t find a job after graduating from elite universities are coming together with homeless people and are coming together with other folks who have just seen  public services cut and attacked over the last few years. And I think what’s happening with that is that people are beginning to develop more and more of a systematic analysis of what is wrong. But ultimately that means that we have to do more, way more, than elect a sympathetic person into elected office.

Maria Poblet: In the more institutional progressive sector, there’s the idea that you elect somebody who’s a democrat and then you look the other way and cross your fingers. And that has never worked for us. It’s never worked for people of color to do that. In fact in any time where people of color have won great demands in this country its by actually challenging the democratic party to represent its interests by all kinds of different tactics, including threatening to start another party, starting another party and it always has to go back to this platform, this list of what we want, this vision of where we’re headed and then we say to any elected official, get in or get out. Right? And this is where we’re headed. Come with us or don’t.

Christopher Holmback: Neeta, from being inside Occupy Oakland and working with the people there, do you think the time is right now for the occupy movement to move foreword and build a political platform together? And start making a list of demands?

Neeta Bee: I think one, It’s essential if this is going to move forward…Our focus can transition into something, into broadening the movement and its demographics. And to actually developing a platform and developing some demands. There are some demands. But they’re very broad and they’re not really asking for things. It’s very much we are against this. But it’s not saying what we want. If we’re against this, what do we want?

Steve Williams: The only way that any movement is able to defend its principled demands is to have clarity about what direction it’s moving in. So one of the things that we clearly saw for example in the south African anti-apartheid movement was that time and time again, the apartheid regime tried to figure out measures to be able to give concessions to some section of the community and at the same time sell out the larger majority of the population. it was only through the freedom charter and the clarity of the anti-apartheid movement in south Africa to a vision of what a truly democratic society would look like that they were able to hold on to that vision, fight for it through all the twists and turns and then ultimately able to establish at least politically a democratic system in that country. Now, I think that the challenge for us in the United States is that for too long we’ve been told that capitalism is the only way to operate an economy. And I think that that its one of the things that is important right now is for us to take lessons from the mass mobilizations that have been taking place around the globe, from Cairo, to Barcelona to Athens, to the successful movements in Latin American, Cochabamba, and other places, and so I think that in being able to sort of the lessons, insights, of those movements we, here, in the United states can begin developing a notion of a transformative vision and a new liberatory economy.

Christopher Holmback: How can we use this movement and moment to build long term solidarity and political education? Maria?
Maria Poblet: In addition to demands which we’ve talked about a fair amount here, I think we need to get clear about the role of the US in the international arena. Our government is the 1% to the rest of the world. I’ve had the opportunity to be part of the world social forum process and the US Social forum process. And there’s strengths and weaknesses to that that can be compared to Occupy movement, and existing organizations and that relationship because its space of convergence. And actually convergence is the first step to joint action which is what we need actually. Because then we can actually move towards something that would be much bigger like, what if the 99% in the US called for no war, no warming, build the economy for people and the planet. What if we did that? What would that look like? What would the details of that look like? That would then say, instead of there is no alternative, there is one… and we’re building it right here, right now, because another world is possible, but also it’s absolutely necessary. And in order for another world to be possible, another US has to come into being. and this occupy movement and the convergence between that and previous generations and community organizing and other sectors of progressives, that convergence is actually going to make that other world possible.

Neeta Bee: here on a local level what we should be thinking about is doing some kind of educational campaign both for our own communities that don’t connect the dots between our lives here and Wall Street… I think there’s a disconnect. Wall Street is something over there that rich people play with. It’s not something that actually trickles down. You talk about these trickle down economy. And it definitely trickles down. Not the money, but the problems. And I think that we on one level an educational campaign which is also like outreach into our own communities and helping connecting those dots. And I think within the existing occupy Oakland movement, and educational campaign around race and class and immigrant status so that we’re starting to kind of break these ideas that people have. That we’re not all this monolithic 99%.

Steve Williams: I think one thing that we’ve absolutely got to concentrate on is defending the encampments. Folks have created a space for various sections of society to come together and engage in a level of conversation dialogue and conspiring that hasn’t been possible because of the disenfranchisement and alienation that our society has promoted. And so I think that defending either the encampments or other spaces that allow all of these folks to come together is absolutely critical. I think that it’s important for us to understand that these movement moments happen at a time where things feel very fast. But things are actually happening at sort of different time periods. So in some ways like talking about New York as only having six weeks more than occupy San Francisco or occupy Oakland just shatters my mind… I mean it feels like they’ve been at it for two or three years… the lessons that we’ve been able to learn over the series of just a couple months are equivalent to what it is that we’ve learned over two or three decades previously. I think it’s critical for us to understand that at this particular moment because of the changing demographics, the changing economic system, the changing politics in the United States that this movement didn’t come out of nowhere. That we’re really building on a level of organizing, a level of mobilization that really puts us in a position to actually be able to begin transforming what it is that we’ve previously thought of as a liberation movement in this country

(Music in Background)

We Are the Many by Makana

The time has come for us to voice our rage

Against the ones that trapped us in a cage

To steal from us the value of our wage

From underneath the vestiture of law

The lobbyists at Washington do nah

At liberty the bureaucrats guffaw

And until they are purged we won’t withdraw

We’ll occupy the streets

We’ll occupy the cause

We’ll occupy the offices of you till you do 

The bidding of the many not the few 

Our nation was built upon the right

Of every person to improve their plight

The laws of this republic they rewrite

____

Meaghan LaSala: And that’s it for this edition of Making Contact. You have been listening to a round table discussion with Maria Poblet, Steve Williams and Neeta Bee, moderated by Making Contact Producer Christopher Holmback.

Special thanks to KALW and Julia Lundberg for sharing audio.

For a CD copy of this program, call the National Radio Project at 800 529-5736, or check out our website at radioproject.org to get a podcast, download past shows, or make a difference by supporting our work.

The co-producers of this show were Lisa Bartfai, Christopher Holmback, Steph St. Clair, Rachel Koslofsky and Esther Manilla.

I’m Meaghan LaSala, thanks for listening to Making Contact.

Students listen to Angela Davis during a rally against gang Injunctions. Photo by Eric K Arnold courtesy of (cc) Flickr user OaklandLocal.

As part of our investigation into how and whether gang injunctions effectively fight crime, we looked to one of the newest places where the crime fighting strategy is being rolled out: London, England. Making Contact reporter Daniel Gordon filed this report from London, where the first gang injunctions went into effect earlier this year. The story explores how economics and race are major factors in how society treats crime in England, just as in the US. And just as in Oakland, CA, many advocates and young people themselves say there are better solutions to be found.

This program is reader supported, thanks to spot.us

Rally in support of the Ohio Prevention First Act, photo courtesy of creative commons Flickr user ProgressOhio.

While overall access to contraception and other reproductive health services have increased over the past 20 years, access for low-income women and women of color has dropped.

Since the 2010 elections, anti-abortionists have grown more emboldened in their attempts to restrict not only abortion services, but to also basic reproductive care.

African-American women have been especially targeted in a series of anti-abortion billboards posted across the country. Enraged by this finger-pointing, reproductive justice activist of all colors got together to fight for every woman’s right to health care. On this edition, the fight for access to reproductive health care.

WARNING: This program contains graphic language.

This program was funded in part by the Mary Wohlford Foundation.

Featuring:

Dorothy Roberts, Northwestern University law professor; Loretta Ross, founder and national coordinator of SisterSong; Susan Cohen, director of government affairs at Guttmacher Institute; Nicole Goss, single mom; Chloe Heintz, rape survivor; Nicole Safar, public policy director of Planned Parenthood advocates of Wisconsin; Heidi Williamson, national advocacy policy coordinator for SisterSong; Walter B. Hoye II, founder and president of Issues 4 Life.

Special thanks to Alicia Walters, production intern Lisa Bartfai and field producers Molly Stenz and Macon Reed. Thanks also to Charles Stuart, Stuart Productions.

***Segments and Scripts for Above Program***

Who Controls Black Women’s Bodies?

Kyung Jin Lee: This week, on Making Contact..

Nicole Goss: “$50 for birth control could be the difference between paying my light bill and getting birth control. And when it comes down to it, I’m gonna pay my light bill.”

Kyung Jin Lee: Attacks on reproductive health services for women are on the increase.  And the economic climate means more than ever, its poor women and women of color who have the most to lose.

Loretta Ross: If we choose to have an abortion, we’re criticized. but white America will equally criticize us if we choose to have a child. So we’re dammed if we do, dammed if we don’t.

Kyung Jin Lee: On this edition, from congress, to your state legislature, to the billboards you see by the highway—American women and girls struggle to maintain their reproductive freedom.

If you live in Atlanta, L.A. or many other urban hubs across the US, you might have already seen the billboards.

“The most dangerous place for an African-American is in the womb,” “Black children are an endangered species” and most recently, “fatherhood begins in the womb”.  Those are the catch phrases used by groups like the Radiance Foundation and Issues 4 Life.  The billboards feature images of beautiful black babies and pregnant women.

African-American women are almost five times as likely to have abortions as white women, according to the Guttmacher Institute, a reproductive health research group. And the provocative billboard campaign is designed to convince African-Americans that aborting black babies is tantamount to genocide. Like-minded groups have produced films and glossy commercials with the same message.

{ Thanks to a listener’s comment, we’d like to clarify that this next passage is from “Maafa 21″ a film used by anti-abortion groups which quotes from the Eugenics Movement of the past.–Editor }

Video clip: I do not join in the belief that the Africans are equal in brain or in health. We are paying for, and even submitting to, the dictates of an ever increasing, unceasing spawning class of human beings who never should have been born at all. The way possible of decreasing the Negro population is by means of controlling fertility. Birth control facilities could be extended relatively more to Negros than to whites. Since Negros are more concentrated in the lower income and education classes. We hope that the restraint in population growth can come about through voluntary means. But if it does not, involuntary methods will be used. “For all it’s failures, what the Eugenics Movement had accomplished was to lay the foundation for the next phase of that plan and this is where they would find the success that they had been chasing for over one-hundred years.”

Kyung Jin Lee:  Reverend Walter Hoye is the founder of Issues 4 Life Foundation, one of the groups leading the billboard campaign. He says, in order to counter the conspiracy to eliminate African-Americans, churches need to do a better job of meeting the needs of women and children.

Reverend Walter Hoye: Often times a black women will stop me and talk to me about her need for education, her need for a better job.  Often times she talks to me about emotional support, support from her family, support from her boyfriend, support from her church even.

Kyung Jin Lee: Reverend Hoye says the impetus for the campaign was to start a discussion in his community. But Northwestern University law professor Dorothy Roberts suggests a different cause for the black community’s high rates of abortion.

Dorothy Roberts: Whenever we ask why does a woman seek an abortion it has to do with an unwanted pregnancy. And so the bottom line is black women have more unwanted pregnancies and the reason has to do with not having good access to contraception and overall healthcare.

Loretta Ross: They’re trying to make Black women feel ashamed about our choices.

Kyung Jin Lee: That’s Loretta Ross, the national coordinator for SisterSong: Women of Color Reproductive Justice Collective, a network of reproductive health organizations. She says the message is a fallacy:

Loretta Ross: You cannot save black babies by attacking black women. It just does not work.

Kyung Jin Lee: Professor Dorothy Roberts says the billboard campaign distorts and exploits history.

Dorothy Roberts: That’s what’s so twisted about this campaign. Is that they’re claiming to challenge genocide when they’re actually using the very concepts of devaluating black women, regulating black women’s reproduction and blaming black women for social problems. And so to me, there’s more of a similarity between eugenic ideology and the billboards than there is the billboard opposing eugenics.

Kyung Jin Lee: Ross says for black women, it’s often a no win situation.

Loretta Ross: If we choose to have an abortion, we’re criticized, but white America will equally criticize us if we choose to have a child. And accuse of over-breeding, overpopulating the earth, not controlling our children, ruining the educational system. So we’re dammed if we do, dammed if we don’t.

Kyung Jin Lee: Ross, from Sister song, says anti-abortion activists often don’t realize the difficult choices women face:

Loretta Ross: Frankly, I’m a woman who at 14, became pregnant through incest. It was not voluntary at all, OK? At the time my son was born, and I had to carry that pregnancy to term, because it was pre-Roe. 1969. I had the option of giving my child up for adoption. I found I couldn’t do it. I took one look at his face and I couldn’t do it. So I ended up parenting that kid and I’m glad I had him. I’m glad I parented him. but at the same time, anyone who acts like it’s just so easy to carry a child to term, give birth and them just hand the baby over to somebody else obviously has never done it. And the women I’ve talked to who have done it, often regret having done it. Even more so than the so-called women who regret having abortions. So it’s a scheme designed to make black women feel guilty, it builds on the fantasy of adoption being easy and it ignores the fact that something like 4 out of 5 children in adoption agencies that are hard to place are African-American.

Kyung Jin Lee: In response to the billboard campaign, a group of black reproductive justice organizations formed a partnership to promote their own message: Trust Black Women, meaning they should be trusted to make decisions about their reproductive lives.

Trust Black Women rally yelling: “Black women do not kill black people! That’s right! Racism kills black people! Black women…”

Kyung Jin Lee: They have staged protests, written op-eds and produced a video to counter the claims that black women are committing genocide of their own community.

Chanting: “Whose rights? Our rights! Whose bodies? Our bodies! Whose rights…”

Kyung Jin Lee: Loretta Ross, a member of Trust Black Women, says while there is agreement that historically, certain women have been encouraged to have children, while other groups of women have been discouraged, ultimately, it’s about control.

Loretta Ross: I think that the best way to fight genocide is to make sure that the object of that genocide or control make those decisions for themselves. so I think that black women need not only the right to have an abortion, but the access, the money, the conditions under which they can decide their fertility for themselves.

Kyung Jin Lee: While overall availability to reproductive health services has increased over the past 20 years, access has declined dramatically for low-income women and women of color, says Susan Cohen, director of government affairs at the Guttmacher Institute.

Susan Cohen: In 2006, we’ve documented that poor women had an unintended pregnancy rate five times that of higher income women and an unintended birth rate six times as high as higher income women. What that tells us, just those statistics alone, women whose lives are less stable, because they’re younger, because they’re poorer, or because they’re less educated, have higher rates of unplanned pregnancies, unplanned births, and abortions.

Kyung Jin Lee: Cohen says the rate of unintended pregnancy for poor women is troubling.  And considering federal and state attempts to defund family planning centers, such as Planned Parenthood, as well as the current economic climate, access is likely to become more difficult for these communities.

Susan Cohen: A lot more people losing their jobs, losing their health insurance along with that and with the cost of contraceptives and services going up its increasingly difficult for women to be able to afford the services they need or to prioritize these services when they’ve got so many other competing demands on them to support their kids, to buy clothing, to pay for food, to pay rent, whatever it may be.

Nicole Goss: I had my daughter in 2005. And it was about 2006 when I got pregnant again, and I had an abortion.

Kyung Jin Lee: 25-year-old Nicole Gross is a fulltime student from the South Side of Chicago. She decided to get an abortion when she got pregnant again a year after becoming a single mom.

Nicole Goss: I was working a job at a restaurant, I was getting like 40 hours a week. But I still couldn’t afford nothing. and I just knew that’s what I wanted to do because I already had one child. I was struggling to take care of that one. And it wasn’t just a choice for me, I believe it was a choice for her too because if I’m barely making it for two, why would I bring in three. And now everything that has to be split between two has to be split between three. Which means that she would have to sacrifice certain things too. And I didn’t tell nobody because I didn’t want nobody manipulating my situation, my decision.

Kyung Jin Lee: She says the decision to terminate her second pregnancy wasn’t difficult because she had already considered an abortion with her first one.

Nicole Goss: My first daughter, when I got pregnant with her, I actually wanted to have an abortion. But I didn’t because people manipulated my decision. They were like, “oh no, don’t do that.” I had told my mom I want to have an abortion. And she was like, “oh you can die getting that or whatever.” They just gave me this horrible story of a claw being stuck up your vagina and crushing the baby’s head. And saying all of this. And I wasn’t educated about the situation as I m now, so a young and 19, not knowing anything, I was like oh, I don’t want to do that. I was like “oh, that sounds horrible, I don’t want to do that.” You know and the father was like, “you know I’m gonna help and like I’m gonna support and I’m gonna do whatever it takes to take care of you and the baby.” And 5 years later, he’s not around. When I get up in the morning and I get dressed, I got to get somebody else dressed before I get out the door. If I want to go out somewhere, I got to make sure that I got somebody to watch her before I go here or I can’t work certain hours because I have to be home to get her. And to have another child would just be like too much. I had other things I need to accomplish in life. Don’t get me wrong. I wouldn’t send my daughter back for the world, I love her. My sunlight. But like I said, my first decision was manipulated because I thought people were gonna see me through and support me the way I needed to be supported. And I found out that people will tell you anything to get you to do what they want you to do. And at the end of the day, whatever decision I make, it affects me the most.

Kyung Jin Lee: Gross says she never got sex education in school and didn’t have access to birth control.

Nicole Goss: My mom talk about sex was don’t do it. If you get pregnant, you getting kicked out of my house. I never was like you need to get on birth control, you need to inquire about that.  And being 19 and young, I wasn’t thinking about that because I didn’t think it was going to happen to me.

Kyung Jin Lee: In 2008, almost 36 million women needed contraceptive services, a 6 percent increase from 2000, according to the Guttmacher Institute. The majority of the spike came from women of color.

Kyung Jin Lee: During the same period, the need for government-subsidized contraception rose 10 percent.  And given the increase in poverty in the U.S. – the highest number since recordkeeping began more than 50 years ago – that figure is likely to grow.

Nicole Goss: We’re human beings just like everyone else. We need access to this like everybody else.

Kyung Jin Lee: Nicole Gross.

Nicole Goss: People always making snide remarks, “oh, why their pregnancy rates high?” It’s because we don’t have the access to things that everybody else have. And $50 for birth control could be the difference between paying my light bill and getting birth control. and when it comes down to it, I’m gonna pay my light bill. I’m not going to get no birth control because I need something for right now. I can’t take my pill in the dark. If I go home and my lights off, my food is going to be ruined. So we don’t have that access and it’s something that’s very needed.

Susan Cohen: We take birth control so much for granted, that sometimes we don’t even think about the fact that this is really challenging for women who have a lot of other challenges that they’re facing in their lives.

Kyung Jin Lee: The Guttmacher Institute’s Susan Cohen.

Susan Cohen: …And unlike an acute health condition, where you take your antibiotics and you can take care of the illness that you’re suffering from and then it goes away, birth control isn’t treating an illness though it is preventing a condition of pregnancy that a woman needs to be able to control for herself. And that requires a lot of resources and commitment and support.

You’re listening to “Making Contact,” a production of the National Radio Project.  If you’d like more information or for C-D copies of this program, please call 800-529-5736. 

Because of listeners like you, this show is distributed for free to radio stations in the U.S., Canada and South Africa. To find out how to support us, download shows, or get our podcasts go to radioproject-dot-org.  Like us on facebook, and follow us on twitter—our handle is making-underscore-contact.

Kyung Jin Lee: When republicans took over the US House of Representatives in 2010, reproductive rights advocates began bracing themselves. Anti-abortion activists were emboldened, and have been pushing hard to deny access to many basic services.

In February of 2011, the House voted to cut public funding from Planned Parenthood – the largest reproductive health provider in the US. While federal attempts to defund Planned Parenthood ultimately failed, a number of states took matters into their own hands. In 2011, legislation to cut funding and further restrict access to reproductive care, including abortions, was passed in states such as Indiana, Kansas, Wisconsin and North Carolina.

News Collage: A controversial abortion bill is on its way to the governor’s desk. Governor Daniel’s signature would make Indiana the first state to cut all government funding to Planned Parenthood. Today the house voted 66 to 32 to approve the bill; the original measure would prohibit abortion after 20 weeks of pregnancy. It was amended by the senate to take all taxpayer funding away from Planned Parenthood. Chanting: Abortion, NO! Cuts, YES! Kansas has stepped up its war on abortion providers. This time they granted new powers to the state government to shut down Kansas’ clinics. Governor Brownback signed a bill last month that said that secretary of the state’s health department gets to write new rules just for abortion clinics and then he gets to enforce those rules. And if the state’s abortion clinics do not support those new rules, he can shut them down. Chanting. Planned Parenthood is considering a courtroom challenge to a decision that strips funding from its North Carolina branch earlier this week. North Carolina lawmakers approved measure to cut funding for the group by more than $400,000 because Planned Parenthood performs abortions. Chanting. Planned Parenthood faces more funding cuts at the state level, this time in Wisconsin. One million of the state’s eighteen million dollars in funding to the abortion provider was taken out of the state’s budget. Pro-life leaders say they applaud the move, but want to see the state defund the entire eighteen million. Chanting.

Kyung Jin Lee: Sarina Garcia, a member of the Sister Song Women of Color Reproductive Justice Collective says the attack on these facilities goes much further than how it is often framed: as a pro-choice versus pro-life debate.

Sarina Garcia: What they’re doing is getting rid of access, trying to get rid of access not to abortion singularly. But reproductive health services in general to women who otherwise would not be able to have the access or the agency or the provision to get them.

Kyung Jin Lee: Planned Parenthood critics argue against any taxpayer dollars going to “build the group’s infrastructure,” and say that cutting support for all services would limit their ability to perform abortions.

Planned Parenthood rally: “What do we need? Planned Parenthood! When do we need it? Always! What do we..”

Kyung Jin Lee: But Planned Parenthood and its supporters didn’t take the defeat in Congress lying down. They fought back, organizing rallies and launching online video campaigns.

22-year old Chloe Heintz posted a YouTube video during the Planned Parenthood funding debates to share her story of rape. A warning to our listeners, the following excerpt from Heintz’ video includes graphic language.

Chloe Heintz: When I was 17, I was raped by my boyfriend at the time. I was a virgin who was not particularly comfortable with the idea of having sex yet in general. And I was absolutely not interested in having sex with the man I was dating. Having made that explicitly clear to him in various conversations, he developed what I’ve realized is a rather common blend of entitlement, self-pity and a generalized hatred of women. He decided to take matters into his own hands. One night, I think it was his birthday, he pressured me to drink until I was very, very sick and he laughed at me while I threw up. His friends held my hair back and ultimately helped me into bed. I don’t know what happened in between when I passed out and when I woke up, but I woke to find my pants half removed, tangled around my ankles, my underwear torn down also, with him on top of me and his penis inside of me, with his hand and arm across my chest and neck holding me down. I was not strong enough or coherent enough to understand exactly what was happening or to physically resist. I did not develop a conscious understanding of what had happened to me for a really long time after that. I really didn’t think that far beyond the practical next step in fact. I knew I was at risk for STI’s and pregnancy. I had never been to Planned Parenthood, but suddenly I needed help. When I found the Oneida Chapter, Oneida, New York, I went there requesting STI testing and pregnancy testing. Of course, they reminded me that I’d have to return for HIV testing in another few months and I had a couple long conversations with the people there and I was given a lot of pamphlets and information. I did not deal with my experience of that night any further for a couple years. When I was 20, I was speaking to a free school therapist. She got me talking about my experience that night. When I finished, she asked me something along the lines of “So how does it feel to know you’ve been raped?” I almost laughed. I was in total shock and disbelief. I was so offended that she would apply such an ugly word to me. And suddenly my entire world exploded. It was three years later and it was the most violent psychological experience I’ve ever had. It was like choking all the time. I remember distinctly that feeling of breathlessness for months, a year maybe, I don’t know. I had never before made the mental leap required between what I had experienced by Adam and that razor sharp term “rape.” I’d never described myself as a “rape victim.” At that point, I was losing myself. I had no grip and no perspective and I didn’t feel like a person anymore. Ultimately, it was Planned Parenthood that gave me the tools to process that experience and make it a productive element of who I am. I revisited their clinics as a patient and became pretty proactive regarding my sexual health. I began talking about rape publicly. I started talking about my experience of rape to other people on campus, often in large forums with hundreds of thousands of people. And that has never been an easy discussion. But Planned Parenthood provided me with those initial tools to become physically and emotionally healthy enough to move forward with my life.

Kyung Jin Lee: Chloe Heintz credits Planned Parenthood for giving her the support she needed in a time of crisis.

Chloe Heintz: Without the ability to access comprehensive sexual health care and abortion, I would not be who I am today, and I certainly would not be where I am today. I doubt I would have graduated from college and I truly wonder if I would even be alive. I would not be able to speak to so many other people in hopes of changing their life because mine would have been frozen in that instance of assault.

Kyung Jin Lee: When Governor Scott Walker signed legislation cutting $1 million to Planned Parenthood of Wisconsin in June 2011, it became the fourth state in the country to do so. The loss in funding would have affected 9 out of the 27 health centers operated by Planned Parenthood, which serves 12,000 women without access to health care.

Kyung Jin Lee: The cuts would mostly affect rural communities, where, according to Nicole Safar, public policy director of Planned Parenthood Advocates of Wisconsin, there are no other options for basic reproductive health services.

Nicole Safar: If women are unable to get this basic health care and if they go without birth control counseling or birth control access, unintended pregnancies are going to rise. If people go without STD screenings, STD rates are going to rise. And we’ve seen that happen in areas of the state where there isn’t a PP, where there really isn’t a provider.

Kyung Jin Lee: Safar says Planned Parenthood of Wisconsin is committed to keeping all of its doors open, thanks in part to continued revenues from clients with private insurance and patient fees.

Susan Cohen, director of government affairs at the Guttmacher Institute, says efforts to defund Planned Parenthood are a mere proxy to go after the whole reproductive health care movement.

Susan Cohen: As we see in congress for example, the attacks over the last year the attack was not only to defund Planned Parenthood, but also to eliminate the federal family planning program with or without Planned Parenthood. So they’ve not really made any attempts to be subtle about what the target is here. And that is access to these services for all of us, no matter what provider we go to. The women they can get at are the low-income women who are most dependent on the federal and state governments for subsidizing these services.

Kyung Jin Lee: New, anti-abortion legislation continues to be introduced in the Wisconsin state legislature. . And in October 2011, the U.S. House of Representatives passed The Protect Life Act, an amendment to President Obama’s health care overhaul.  The Act would bar federal funds from being used for any portion of the costs of a health insurance plan that covers abortion.

With the ongoing recession, some abortion foes have also made an economic argument for laws, which tightly restrict the use of public funds.  But Susan Cohen says the money the federal government spends on family planning services ultimately saves money for taxpayers.

Susan Cohen: We documented that for every dollar invested in family planning services, $4 is saved the next year in Medicaid costs alone in caring for women and their newborns who would otherwise give birth without access to the family planning services to prevent the pregnancies that they say they want to prevent. So not only would it cost the government more than it would save, but obviously it would have a huge negative impact on the lives of women who would become the pawns in this whole political, ideological fight.

Kyung Jin Lee: Reproductive rights activists insist that every woman is entitled to make her own decision whether to have a child and when to have it. And that power must extend to low income women and women of color as well.

Heidi Williamson is the national advocacy coordinator for SisterSong Women of Color Reproductive Justice Collective.

Heidi Williamson:  You should trust black women. we don’t kill out children. we love our children. we fight for our children. but we believe in fighting for our children not just through the 9 months to make sure that a woman’s right to birth justice is ensured. we want to make sure that women have the necessary support to be good parents. that schools are funded. that health care is offered. that women and families are raised out of poverty to be effective mothers, family members and at large, a community.

Kyung Jin Lee: That’s it for this edition of Making Contact. Partial funding for this program provided by the Mary Wolford Foundation.

Special thanks to Alicia Walters, production intern Lisa Bartfai, and field producer Macon Reed .

For a CD copy of this program, call the National Radio Project at 800 529-5736, or check out our website at radioproject.org to get a podcast, download past shows, or make a difference by supporting our work.

I’m Kyung Jin Lee.  Thanks for listening to Making Contact.

For More Information:

Trust Black Women
SisterSong
Guttmacher Institute
Dorothy Roberts
Planned Parenthood
Asian Communities for Reproductive Justice
California Latina Reproductive Justice
National Latina Institute for Reproductive Health
Black Women for Wellness
The Radiance Foundation
Issues 4 Life
Dispatches from the Abortion Wars: The Costs of Fanaticism to Doctors, Patients, and the Rest of Us (book by Carole Joffe)

Articles/Blogs/Videos/Audio:

Don’t Cut Planned Parenthood’s Funding!
Are Black Children and ‘Endangered Species’?
Debate Boils Over African-American Abortion
Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker’s Abortion Crusade
Maafa 21

We Always Resist: Trust Black Women DVD

Music:

‘Uti vår hage’ performed by Magnus Martensson
‘End Titles’ by Atrium Carceri
‘Gypsy’ by Kelli Rudick
‘Saturn Strobe’ by Pantha Du Prince
‘Freedom Fight’ by Shuggie Otis

Former Chilean President Michele Bachelet. Credit: Soul Sense (Oscar Ordenes)/ Flickr

Saudi Arabia’s decision to allow women to vote has been hailed as a major step forward—very few nations still allow such overt discrimination.  But there are still fewer than 20 female heads of state around the world.  And even when women rise to the top, challenges remain.  On this edition, a former President, a Supreme Court justice and other women leaders reflect on the battles they’ve won, and just how far there still is to go.

Special thanks to the Center for Latin American Studies at the University of California at Berkeley.

Featuring:

Ruth Bader Ginsburg, US Supreme Court justice; Michelle Bachelet, former Chilean president and executive director of UN WOMEN; Jean Quan, mayor of Oakland, CA; Sandy Threlfall, Oakland Suffrage Committee chair; Nancy Skinner; California State Assembly member; Yvonne Nunn, Girl Scout troop leader.

***WEB EXCLUSIVES***

Full length recording of conversation between Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg and UC Hastings Professor Joan C. Williams.  September 15, 2011.

Full length recording of ,”Women’s Rights: A Global Challenge”, a speech by Michele Bachelet, former Chilean President and Executive Director of UN Women.  April 14, 2001.  Presented by the Center for Latin American Studies at UC Berkeley

Full length video of Professor Joan Williams conversation with Justice Ruth Bader at the UC Hastings School of Law:

For More Information:

UN Women
Members of the US Supreme Court
ACLU Women’s Rights Project
Female Presidents
Women’s Policy, Inc.
Center for Latin American Studies at the University of California at Berkeley
Amendments to the US Constitution
Seneca Falls Convention

Articles, Blogs, Reports and Videos:

Reed v Reed: Supreme Court Drama
UN Women’s head Michelle Bachelet: A new superhero?
Jean Quan – First Asian American woman mayor

Music:

‘Sweetest’ – Lauren Hill
‘Love of My Life’ – Erykah Badu